Charlie Kirk, a man of clarity and kindness, rose from being a college dropout to becoming a well-known right-wing activist and entrepreneur. He was an important figure for America, as he helped shape a conservative force for a new generation with his program, Turning Point USA. It is pure evil and downright wrong for someone to think that taking his life is right or is to be celebrated. The trial for the alleged shooter hasn’t begun, and so this writing is in no way meant to characterize Kirk’s death as being done by one who represents a group. Furthermore, there are many concerned citizens who are following the evidence about this assassination, and the facts are not yet clear about who is behind it. That being said, his appearances on campus did spark major confrontations with the LGBTQ+ and the anti-racist crowd, and he did stand for values that they hated. This is an important part of the discussion of my essay, and so while we are not clear on his murderer or murderers, we can be clear on the issues he died defending. Besides, he never hated people who decided to support or be involved in the LGBTQ+ community. He saw college culture today as a troublesome mess: a manipulation of young people’s desires and natures, a clouding of classical education with intersection-driven degrees, and he wanted to help. Furthermore, he advocated for gun rights and stood firmly for cultural conservatism.
Charlie Kirk saw the truth that would heal and clear young peoples’ minds. He challenged sexual/gender identity theories that were forced on youth without parental consent, and he wanted to help by spreading what he called the “Word of God”, the Bible. He openly argued with students and reasoned with them about controversial beliefs and practices. Even his tours were called “Prove Me Wrong”. He welcomed kids to question and argue and would seem to relish jeers coming from the audience when he exposed the illusion covering reality. He fought stupidity with patience but also with focused ferocity.
The meaning of Charlie Kirk’s death should be that a legacy of robust debate and of fearless engagement has been cemented as part of the American ethos. His death extends a responsibility to those who can still keep a calm head in this chaos, to peacefully fight back in this unofficial war. It’s borderline insanity for someone to hate a man who’s simply trying to help young people, so much so that they feel the need to end his life. The woke LGBTQ+ crowd demands respect and freedom for their so-called rights (being called whatever pronoun they want, or walking into any bathroom they want, playing in their biological opposite-gender sports, etc), and yet they don’t feel the need to treat people who simply don’t choose to support their choices, respectfully. It’s not freedom that they want, it’s power and privilege through twisted reasoning: it’s barbaric.
After reading the news and seeing the videos, one can’t help but wonder, did the killer or killers even stop for a single second to think about Kirk’s wife and two kids? The alleged killer and his friends evidently advocate and fight for love, and yet he (allegedly) just destroyed a loving family. Personally, this isn’t exactly being biased or argumentative, it’s just stating the facts: a father and husband is dead. Stepping back from the investigation (which many are saying involved not only foreign governments, but also military intelligence), many on the Left celebrated Kirk’s death this just made their community look really bad, so they should at least think about this for themselves. It can possibly prove that all this poison has twisted their critical thinking so terribly that they no longer have the ability to think properly. Again, the investigation is pending, and part of the concern is that perhaps this public execution was planned to frame the narrative by other nefarious parties.
I am going through dark and rough days, especially as an anti-woke resident of San Francisco. It is important to remember Charlie Kirk and his powerful, influential work, and to believe that this remembering creates a driving force for more people to stand up just like he did. In fact, we ourselves can stand up in our own small ways. For starters, not participating in grooming activities: when teachers ask for us to state our pronouns, it is NOT REQUIRED. And when they ask for your gender or sexuality when filling out forms, you do not need to fill it out. However, I was just forced to! When I was filling out an application for a college prep program here in San Francisco, they wouldn’t let me submit it just because I chose “prefer not to say” – which was an option on the form – my gender. This emphasizes how poisoned the City by the Bay is, because when you fail to support LGBTQ+ or reject anti-racism by refusing to tick a box or agree with something, you can get left out, or judged, and occasionally hated on. Isn’t that ironic?
Let’s now look at specifics. Why was Kirk hated? Part of the reason is that he saw through a popular social philosophy, identifying it as a corrosive agent on American values.
Kirk argued that if you obsess about race then you are more likely to become racist. He probed his listeners: do they even know that they are influenced by CRT? Can they define it, or do they just feel it and spout it? Charlie Kirk stated that Critical Race Theory destroys a society and that we should reject it.
These issues on the college campuses are very present in California public schools. I, along with all public school freshmen in the state of California, must take a class called Ethnic Studies. This is a replacement for traditional subjects for freshmen, enacted in 2021 by Governor Gavin Newsom. And recently, I hear more and more frequently this word: “equity”. They teach us that equity is all-important, and they do not speak about equality, which we know is straight from the Declaration of Independence. “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal, endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights”, etc. Equity, when defined within the context of Critical Race Theory and Intersectionality means… redistribution. A few days ago, our Ethnic Studies teacher was talking about how race is just a social construct used to categorize us into classes, to discriminate against us as a class of people. He talked about how the more privileged who do this are generally “white”, and how those who don’t exert this construct (and also don’t have as much privilege) are what he called “people of color”. I am in pure disbelief of this statement. It is very true that out there, no matter what, there are going to be assumptions and stereotypes of people of all types. But he is insinuating that there is a club of people enacting these abstractions. Ludicrous and untrue. If you let this fantasy define you, and you bow down to it, then that is all the more drawing the line, and making a twisted statement true. Whatever happened to “rugged individualism”? Why contemplate these abstractions when you can work hard and build yourself up? If all of us are born with equal rights, then all of us can achieve our goals. Of course, no matter what, there are still going to be individuals out there who are racist and prejudiced. There is no guarantee of the elimination of mindsets and values like these. Furthermore, it is also very true that there are groups of people who are disadvantaged due to their backgrounds and more. But that still doesn’t have to mean a certain group of people are the cause of their misfortunes.
The Ethnic Studies teacher, a few days later, discussed discriminating against black people. He made a point that assuming anything about them, just because of their race, the way they dress, and their mannerisms, is itself wrong. He showed us a video made back in the 2000s, a social experiment. How would society react to a white kid compared to a black kid dressed in similar ways, pretending to steal a bike? Most people left the white kid alone, and some even helped him, while the outcome for the black actor was the complete opposite. The video concludes how our society is racist. But here’s the catch: the black actor was dressed in a more ghetto way, and yes, people do assume that black youths are more dangerous, based on data, like crime rates. Is it our fault that black people have higher crime rates than the rest of us? We all make assumptions, and we’re all judges – we may not always be the best ones – but it’s part of how we keep ourselves and others safe. If black people have such high crime rates and want people to stop assuming, then maybe they should look into their own community for solutions.
Finally, I can address counter-storytelling. The woke community defines counter-storytelling as a way to magnify the stories, experiences, narratives, and truths of underprivileged communities. Proponents of counter-storytelling are, in short, saying that storytelling is told by those in power, and that under-privileged storytelling must counter the power.
We recently reviewed Chimamanda Ngozi Adichie’s “The Danger of a Single Story” TedTalk, 2019. She talks about how America constantly feeds us one-sided stories, so much so that Americans assume people from Nigeria and Africa are poor and pitiful and don’t know how to speak English. She claimed that if she switched roles with her American roommate in college (who evidently assumed she didn’t know English and listened to only African music) she would’ve assumed the same things about someone from Africa, too. This premise is self-ridiculing. Adichie talks passionately about her childhood memories of reading American books where all the characters were blue-eyed and white-skinned, and that they drank ginger ale and played in the snow. She says, “What this demonstrates, I think, is how impressionable and vulnerable we are in the face of a story, particularly as children. Because all I had read were books in which characters were foreign, I had become convinced that books by their very nature had to have foreigners in them and had to be about things with which I could not personally identify.” This sounds like one of those “aha moments” that we all have as children. In an interview from the podcast “The Stoop”, Adiche proudly states that she tells her children to “identify” as Nigerians. But they were born and raised in the States. Despite their passports being of the US, they can now proudly “counter” this by ignoring it and calling themselves Nigerian. So does that mean someone Chinese born in the US calling themselves Chinese counts as “countering”, too? Personally, I wouldn’t say so.
Is this just a culture shock to her? Why try to change the world’s perspective about where you came from, when you can improve that place’s image for the world to see better? And if we look even deeper, it signals how African Americans are seen as less-than because of some perception from social hierarchies. But does she say what, exactly? No. She claims that many stories have to do with power (ring a bell?), and that “when we realize that there is never a single story about any place, we regain a kind of paradise.” It is true that there is no one-sided story to anything, but when used to talk about their presented image, and including the statistics of crime rate and other negatives in America to us, what can they expect us to believe? And by saying that we regain a kind of paradise, she is subtly signaling that all the stories we’ve ever been fed are one-sided and if we don’t know the other side, it is as if we’re being lied to. This is again, splitting us into groups; the more we do this, the less likely we would all ever truly be equal to one another.
Many people are wowed and amazed by her, thinking she would bring them hope and vision. But in reality, she is just another powerful figure trying to turn values upside down, making readers extremely self-conscious, cultivating anti-racist self-loathing. For what? No matter what, there will always be misunderstandings about the different cultures and the beliefs and practices. This is just taking it to the extreme that everyone should understand fully about African culture and black people before we even connect or communicate with them about anything. If that’s the case, shouldn’t all the other cultures deserve the same treatment, too?
But isn’t she also just telling a single story? In ethnic studies, they claim they are teaching us both sides of the story when they are mainly feeding us what they claim is the other side – there isn’t a huge issue with knowing both sides, but it’s how they feed it to us at such a young age. We’re all still developing high schoolers still unable to judge quite clearly which sides to stand on, or to even stand on any sides at all. So why feed us biased and single sided stories (which they ironically claim they aren’t doing) in such a targeted way?
If Charlie Kirk could raise his hand in my Ethnic Studies class today, what would he say?
Charlie Kirk was a man who played a huge role in the spread of Christianity and conservative ideas. Charlie Kirk founded Turning Point USA at the young age of 18, when most people would be graduating from high school and preparing to attend college. This organization was founded with the goal of educating and training students to promote ideas from the Constitution, like principles of freedom, free markets, and limited government. With all these ideas being central to the function of the United States, and schools often not teaching extremely important classes like government and basic civics, (in California we are taught “Ethnic Studies” instead of history, freshman year) Charlie Kirk and his organization, Turning Point USA, have helped to educate millions throughout the United States.
Whether it was his radio show or his many books, including The College Scam and Stop in The Name of God, Kirk was not afraid to push back on the ideals of liberalism, ranging from LGBTQ to affirmative action. He showed no fear when criticizing and often exhibited his disgust for particularly evil ideas. Whether he was at college campuses debating with students or anyone willing to exchange ideas, or on YouTube videos on channels like Jubilee, people would often criticize him, or call him names like fascist. Regardless, Kirk remained steadfast, refusing to let the insults or ideas of the world affect his purpose and continuing to follow God’s word. In 1 Corinthians 15:58, the Apostle Paul states, “Therefore, my beloved brothers, be steadfast, immovable, always abounding in the work of the Lord, knowing that in the Lord your labor is not in vain.”
Kirk is the embodiment of this verse, remaining steadfast in his beliefs about leftist ideas, even if it meant millions of liberals throughout the country despised him for being too harsh, for even as people screamed insults at him, Kirk stood strong, refusing to waver.
All Christians throughout the country should aim to be similar to Charlie Kirk, in being fearless in spreading the gospel, but also in speaking your mind about leftist ideals regardless of how people around you may react, because God tells us that we will face difficulties in our lives for what we believe, but we must continue to push through. Jesus Christ said “I have told you these things, so that in me you may have peace. In this world you will have trouble. But take heart! I have overcome the world” (John 16:33).
Whether you are in agreement or disagreement with the ideas of Charlie Kirk, we should all strive to be similar to him in this way: his ability to stay respectful during disagreements was solid gold; and his ability to remain steadfast and fearless in spreading political theory underpinned by the Gospel was unmatched. Kirk did this by taking the time to explore the other side, because without understanding liberal ideas, he could not speak on whether right-wing or left-wing ideals are correct and moral.
Prior to the assassination of Charlie Kirk, I had seen him through apps like YouTube Shorts, debating at places like college campuses, and I’d see people calling him things like fascist and bigot for defending his beliefs. After his assassination, I’ve still had similar exposure through apps like YouTube and news websites, but also in new ways, like discussions in classes at school about his assassination, why we think it happened, etc. Some of the discussion included people saying that even though they may have disagreed with his beliefs, he didn’t deserve to be assassinated, but there were others who said that he kind of brought it on himself by speaking the way he did, and even a few people stating that he deserved it, which I personally find ridiculous and shocking. Whether you agree or disagree with him, everyone has the right to share their beliefs without being killed, and I feel like if this continues, it’s leading to a United States where people will be muzzled due to fear of physical harm, almost like a fascist society, which I find extremely ironic, as leftists called Charlie Kirk a fascist.
Charlie Kirk started his own daily 3-hour radio show in October of 2020. There is so much more he has done for the conservative world, from books like Campus Battlefield to his and Jerry Falwell’s Falkirk Center for Faith; this was dissolved in 2021, but he started Turning Point Faith, which is an online school. He has convinced thousands, if not millions, of people in the United States through all these outlets previously mentioned and made a huge impact in the conservative world.
The message that Charlie Kirk gave to my generation was that you should look into Christianity, not only because it completely turns lives around, like how it turned his life around, but also because it helps us stay in reality, (it’s God’s world after all) when there are all these leftist lies about being able to change sex, while also screaming fascist! fascist! at people, and preventing them from speaking. Charlie Kirk gave the message that Jesus Christ is our Lord and Savior, so we should spread His Word.
The political assassination of Charlie Kirk should be understood as a message to Christians that the promised eternal life from faith in Jesus’ dying on the cross for your sins doesn’t come easy. In fact, Jesus said that you may be persecuted or even killed for your faith and beliefs (Matthew 5:11-12), like it seems Charlie Kirk was, yet you must continue to push through, because spreading the word of God and helping other people come to Jesus is so important that it’s worth being persecuted or even dying for. The way we can act upon Charlie Kirk’s assassination is by spreading the Gospel without fear or persecution from friends, family, or people whom you’ve just recently met.
Another way to act upon this while growing as an American citizen is to try to show those around you that leftist ideals are evil, leading to murdering a man with two children and a wife over beliefs that they disagree with (and they are leftist ideals, for at recent No Kings protests, how many were caught on camera gloating and ridiculing Kirk?).
Teacher Lucy Martinez at a “No Kings” rally, mocking Kirk’s death. She has received no discipline from Chicago Public Schools.
Charlie Kirk always remained calm, whether debating about less serious topics like the greatest basketball player of all time, or more serious topics like abortion rights, and whether it is murder or not. His political assassination should be seen by all Christians as making him a martyr, for he died speaking of the beliefs that brought him into salvation. Those Christians who try and soften the bite of his rhetoric should perhaps spend more time in the Word. Charlie Kirk did so many things for us Christians, likely bringing tens of thousands of people to Jesus, and so we should all strive to spread the gospel like he did, even if you just share with friends and family, which can quickly lead to a chain reaction as they spread their faith to their friends and so on, eventually leading to hundreds of people coming to Christ just from sharing with friends and family even if you don’t physically see it.
Another way that Charlie Kirk’s assassination can be acted upon is by debating with others like he did, almost as a form of protest against political violence, whether at college campuses or even just at home with friends or family who may disagree with you. This will help his legacy live on.
Romans 12:2 tells all Christians not to conform to the patterns of the world. “Do not conform to the pattern of this world, but be transformed by the renewing of your mind. Then you will be able to test and approve what God’s will is—his good, pleasing and perfect will.” Kirk refused to conform to the world and he was assassinated.
On September 15, 1950, Maggie Higgins woke up to the deafening blast of USS Mount McKinley’s horn, signaling the beginning of the invasion. She sat up, pushed a messy wave of auburn hair from her face, and swung her legs over the bar of the sleeping berth. Ms. Higgins shoved her boots on, shrugged on a jacket, and grabbed her notebook from the nightstand. Outside her room, there came shouts, the voices of Marine officers roaring orders. She waited as a crowd of soldiers shuffled along, tightening their straps, retrieving rifles from their lockers. Maggie clutched her notepad and made her way into the brewing storm above.
USS Mount McKinley
A young corporal awaited her at the end of the staircase leading up to the main deck.
“Fine morning, ain’t it, Mags,” he said, grinning.
Inchon in pink^
“Morning, Corporal,” Maggie replied softly. From under the main mast, she looked curiously toward the beach of Inchon. It was foggy, but Mags could see the faint outline of a coastal town. Below her, bustling hordes of American troops had already begun their descent down the ship. Prying out her notebook, she jotted: one by one, the men climb down the long netted rope and into the smaller vessels. The air is now heavy with salt and smoke (the aroma of impending battle), and the ocean contains a subtle shade of green.
Below the ship, hordes of marines were climbing from their landing crafts and up the seawalls.
“Tell me, Corporal, do you think the general’s gamble will pay off?” said Maggie.
“I reckon we don’t jinx it. But something, and maybe it ain’t anything at all, is just telling me the North Koreans won’t see it coming. They’re still licking at their wounds in Pusan.”
“Maybe. I fear that if this fails, we might all be doomed.”
“Well, I don’t know… Ma’am, where are you going?”
“What does it look like? I’m going to document the invasion,” she cried out.
“Ms. Higgins, with all due respect, you shouldn’t be going ashore. It’s gonna be hell out there,” the corporal said.
“Corporal, do you think I came all this way to watch from the sidelines?”
“No, ma’am. But it’s dangerous for a woman to-”
“Oh shut it! I go where the story goes,” she replied, unamused. Maggie waved him off and tucked her notebook away. “I’ll see you on the other side.” And with that, she proceeded down the gangway.
The island was a blur of motion and chatter. Maggie boarded the back of a transport truck, squishing herself in one of the seats between two burly, and rather musty marines, who seemed irritated by her arrival, unwilling to allow any distraction. She ignored them too. The truck rolled forth, following the convoy of First Marine Division vehicles. Maggie began her observations, absorbing every chaotic detail with the precision of her pen and the grace of her hand. She analyzed the faces of the other men, their countenances marked with anticipation as they gripped their rifles with sweaty hands. Today was the beginning of Operation Chromite – General MacArthur’s valiant mission to liberate Seoul before the KPA could recover from the devastating losses in Pusan. The KPA had surged south to Pusan, but their supply lines had stretched too thin. The North Korean forces were vulnerable, and it was the perfect opportunity to strike.
Maggie’s thoughts were abruptly interrupted by the tumultuous sounds of distant gunfire and tank artillery. As the truck advanced, the coastal town of Incheon came into view. It was ablaze. Thunderous bombs erupted throughout the city, which was covered by waves of smoke. Nearly there. The artillery fire began to match the pace of Maggie’s heart and at last, the truck jerked to a halt. The men leapt out of the vehicle in an instant, rifles in hand. Maggie followed suit, sliding out of the carrier and landing hard on the ground. Before she could dust herself off, a stampede of enemy fire snapped into the truck’s steel exterior, jolting her to her feet.
“Keep moving!” the sergeant yelled, waving the men up the beachfront.
An instance of hesitancy was quickly followed by a reminder of what a fellow journalist called Frank Gibney had said before she booked her flight, “Korea is no place for a woman”. Maggie forced herself to move, following the group of Marines she’d accompanied. She kept low, using the trucks as shields against stray bullets. The sergeant threw up his hand, and the men pressed forward into the town. Maggie, hanging back, took shelter behind a fallen house and laid low under a concrete ceiling as she wiped the pool of dirty sweat from her face. Grabbing the notebook from her pocket, she scribbled down everything her eyes, nose, and ears could take in. A nearby explosion sent debris flying into the air, and she threw herself on the ground.
Acting quickly, she traversed the burning battlefield, using fallen trucks as cover. She soon found herself inside a small shed in what appeared to be one of the local’s backyards. Inside, Maggie pressed herself against the wall and took a deep breath of relief. Something of fear, or uneasiness, crept down her spine, but by now she was used to it.
It was back on the 25th of June, and she was still in Tokyo, receiving a rather unpleasant welcome by her colleagues after being named the Chief of the New York Herald’s Tokyo bureau along with Frank Gibney who was correspondent for both Life and Time. That’s when the first reports came in. The North Korean army, supported by tanks and artillery, had crossed the 38th Parallel. A full-scale invasion was launched, and the war began. Only days later, between the 27th and 28th, Seoul had fallen. Without tanks or sufficient artillery to defend themselves, South Korea’s army was on the brink of defeat- within the first week. On June 28th, Maggie and three of her other colleagues witnessed first-hand the Hangang Bridge bombing in Seoul, an attempt by the South Korean army to delay the North Korean onslaught. She’d seen the desperation in the eyes of the soldiers, refugees, and citizens trying to cross. They were killed in an instant.
Gibney, who at the time was trying to get across the bridge with two other correspondents, recalled: “Lit only by the glow of the burning truck and occasional headlights, [it] was apocalyptic in frightfulness. All of the soldiers in the truck ahead of us had been killed. Bodies of dead and dying were strewn over the bridge, civilians as well as soldiers. Confusion was complete… At the same time we wondered if this was the beginning of World War III?”
The very next day, Maggie went straight to the U.S. military headquarters in Suwon. Upon her arrival, General Walton Walker took a meager glance at her and ordered her to fly home. Maggie was furious.
She remembered his exact words: “We got no time to be making accommodations for women. A liability is what you are”. Maggie refused to leave Korea, to leave such a story in the hands of other journalists. She hadpersonally appealed to General MacArthur, demanding the matter be taken care of. Within hours, MacArthur’s telegram arrived at the Tribune: “Ban on women correspondents in Korea has been lifted. Marguerite Higgins is held in highest professional esteem by everyone.” She joined Gibney in the field from that date as chief correspondents to America.
Following the fall of Seoul to the KPA, President Truman authorized U.S. forces to assist South Korea, and over the next few weeks, several other UN-affiliated countries joined the effort. On July 5th, Task Force Smith contested North Korean forces at Osan in the first battle between American and KPA soldiers. While the UN began solidifying a defensive line at the Pusan Perimeter to hold the North Koreans back, MacArthur was planning the landing in Inchon. Now, Maggie was in the heart of Inchon, documenting the war from the frontlines, and no one was going to send her home.
Maggie’s thoughts were interrupted by an airhorn from below the hill. She hadn’t noticed it until just now, but the roar of blazing artillery had faded, leaving in its essence an eerie stillness. Nearby, she heard footsteps. Slowly, she peeked out the window. A pair of marines were approaching her shed.
“Hey!” she called out.
One of the marines, covered in mud and sweat, looked up at her.
“What happened?” she called out.
“We took it,” the man replied, managing an exhausted smile. At the entrance of the town, military trucks were making their way into the city.
“All of Inchon?”
“We took the whole place. Hit ‘em good,” said the older marine who was signaling for one of the drivers.
“Oh my goodness. Well, are you all alright?”
“As good as one can be. Inchon is ours.”
Voices of victory ensued, almost like a tide through the battered city of Inchon. Marines and soldiers alike came staggering from the frontlines, some limping, some grinning in triumph.
Relieved, Maggie joined the men on the truck in the backseat. In true Maggie fashion, she picked up her notebook. It was time to write.
The Battle of Inchon, fought from September 15 to 19, 1950, was more than a strategic surprise attack. It was a complete turning point in the Korean War. General MacArthur’s amphibious landing had shattered the North Korean forces and supply lines, opening up quite the opportunity. But to understand how we arrived at this paramount moment and the origins of the Korean War, we must first take a step back.
Nearly five years before Operation Chromite, the Second World War was fading. Following Japan’s formal surrender on September 2, 1945, Korea, which had been under Japanese colonial control for the entirety of the war, was divided at the 38th parallel between two rising superpowers—the United States and the Soviet Union. In this way, the U.S. could oversee the removal of Japanese forces in the final days of World War II.
Kim Il Sung (center) and Kim Tu-bong (second from the right) at the joint meeting of the New People’s Party and the Workers’ Party of North Korea in Pyongyang, 28 August 1946
The Soviets took control of the North, and the U.S. the South. Over the next few years, North Korea (DPRK) became increasingly pro-Soviet, as they established local communist governments and formed the Korean Workers Party under communist leader Kim Il-Sung. On June 25, 1950, North Korea, backed by the USSR, launched a full-scale invasion of South Korea, crossing the 38th Parallel and easily overwhelming the unprepared South Korean forces. After the fall of Seoul to the KPA on the 28th, President Truman feared that the invasion of South Korea had threatened global peace and security amidst a period of heightened tensions.
In response, the UNSC provided assistance to South Korea against the DPRK, and additionally, Truman authorized American forces to assist South Korea. From July to August, American troops suffered heavy losses in the Battles of Osan and Taejeon.
The US had severely underestimated the firepower of Soviet-manufactured rifles like the Mosin-Nagant, as well as the lethal T-34 tanks in combination with experienced North Korean troops.
UN and South Korean forces were inevitably forced South, and by mid-August, the DPRK controlled a vast portion of the peninsula.
T-34 tanks, manned by Russians
However, a UN defensive line emerged at the Pusan Perimeter, and they held firm against the North Korean advance with reinforcements from the U.S., Britain, and other allies. Around this time, MacArthur launched his plan on Inchon, and with Seoul back in UN hands by late September 1950, the momentum of the war had shifted.
General Douglas MacArthur
The North Korean army was now in full retreat, for their supply lines had been cut and their forces annihilated by the augmented UN army. Here, the UN was presented with the opportunity of ending the war entirely with a ceasefire. But General MacArthur had other plans. He was determined to unify the peninsula under absolute Western control. In early October, UN and South Korean forces pushed past the 38th Parallel, advancing towards Pyongyang, the capital of North Korea. Despite the rapid push onward under MacArthur’s orders, the general had failed to recognize the reports that began to trickle in.
Mao Zedong, ca. 1940s
China’s Mao Zedong had repeatedly warned Truman that a potential crossing of the 38th would not be tolerated. A growing uneasiness began to spread throughout the ranks, and even with these concerns in mind, MacArthur dismissed them. On October 19th, Pyongyang fell to the UN forces. Optimism resurged, and perhaps MacArthur’s vision had truly been faultless. But in the distance, beyond the peaks of Taebaek, an army was assembling.
October 26th, 1950. Pyongyang was in ruins. What was once the heart of Kim Il Sung’s regime had been completely overrun by the UN troops. On the outskirts of the bombed city, General MacArthur viewed the destruction from atop an isolated airfield. Clenched between his teeth was a corncob pipe; he gazed upon the remnants of war in the distance. The general beckoned his staff to the table. A map of Korea was laid out, and MacArthur pinned his finger right at the thick line marking the Yalu River
After the Battle of Pyongyang
“Gentleman, we are on the verge of victory,” he said. “Pyongyang is in our hands. Seoul has been freed. Korea will be reunified from commie scum. We do not hesitate, nor stop at the 38th parallel. We march on to Yalu.”
A murmur spread throughout the gathered officials. Then, a hesitant voice spoke.
“Sir, what about the reports? The Chinese are coming from North of the river. Our reconnaissance team has picked up heavy radio traffic.”
“Major O’Rourke, are you a fool? Mao and the Chinese wouldn’t dare challenge our military. We have crushed the North Koreans in mere weeks. I assure you, if they did intervene, which I highly doubt, they wouldn’t last days,” chuckled MacArthur, dismissing the man.
Another officer interrupted, “With respect, General, even if the Chinese aren’t considered a threat to our campaign, the coming winter certainly will be. The North’s below-zero temperatures and frozen mountains could eradicate the troops. Our men simply aren’t prepared.”
“Neither are the communists. We march on.”
Aboard Bataan, MacArthur’s personal Lockheed VC-121 airplane, the general sat relaxed in a reclined, golden brown leather chair. MacArthur preferred to travel not like a general, but like a royal king. As the man pondered in stillness, he took puffs from his corncob pipe. MacArthur reopened a report from the Wake Island Conference, which had been held just eleven days earlier, on the 15th of October, 1950. It was his first time meeting President Truman in person, and in those brief moments, he had assured the president that the fate of South Korea and UN involvement in the war would be safe in his hands. Truman’s exact words had been, “What will be the attitude of Commie China?” And to that, MacArthur responded with a promise: the Chinese would not intervene in the Korean War. He declared the North Koreans finished, their capital about to fall, and that the war would be wrapped up by Christmas. Only days after his statements at Wake Island, Pyongyang fell to UN forces – just as MacArthur had assured.
The general sighed and laid back. Something felt off. MacArthur’s intelligence community normally echoed his own views, leaving him vulnerable to crucial reports that he tended to dismiss without a second thought. But today they’d been actually vociferous. He had always understood that if you “control intelligence, you control decision making”, but this usually resulted in his officers simply giving him intelligence that only reinforced his already-held views. In other words, MacArthur was surrounded by sycophants. The CIA, America’s new civilian intelligence agency was prohibited from his operations, which included preparing intelligence estimates for the Eighth Army, the major U.S. Army command in the region.
One of the general’s greatest admirers was also his G2. General Charles Willoughby served as MacArthur’s primary source of intelligence. Earlier that year, in June of 1950, Willoughby had assured MacArthur that North Korea would not invade the South, even though alarms had been repeatedly raised by CIA director Admiral Hillenkoetter.
CIA director Admiral Hillenkoetter
This entire system of reconnaissance was inherently flawed. Reports that contradicted MacArthur’s stance would often be filtered, and naturally, these included warnings about Chinese troops moving across the Yalu River. MacArthur sat up and peered out the reinforced leaded glass of Bataan, snorted derisively at the thought of these hut-dwelling idiots with uniform haircuts and funny hats making a stance against the great eagle nation. Unbeknownst to him, more than 260,000 Chinese soldiers had already crossed into Korea. General MacArthur was feeling a little sleepy, and as Bataan entered Japanese airspace, he reclined his seat and dozed off.
Mao Zedong, ca. 1950s
Just 6 days before, on the 19th of October, an immense wave of Chinese forces secretly crossed the Yalu River, marking the launch of Chairman Mao Zedong’s First Phase Offensive. Not a single Chinese soldier had been detected by UN intelligence. But how had they managed to do this? For months, the Chinese had been strategizing. In mid-October, CPVA troops began their expedition across the Manchurian border into North Korea. The strategy that had covered them for weeks from UN inspection was simple, yet alarmingly effective. A conservative notion of subtle camouflage during the day prevented any sort of UN aircraft to detect their intruding movements. During the night, however, they would advance, completely shielded by the darkness. At this time, MacArthur had remained blindsided by his motivations to show dominance, to flaunt the superior battle strength of the American army in the face of the East’s communist regimes.
The general’s smugness was wiped off his face on October 29th. In one of the first major engagements between Chinese forces and the ROK, the Chinese gained a decisive victory at Onjong. They proceeded to win the Battle of Unsan November 4th. It was one of the largest and most devastating losses for the US in the Korean War, with over 600 casualties from the 8th Calvary. By November 6th, the First Offensive ended at Pakchon. It was a huge success – the Chinese gained significant ground, halting the UN advances and pushing their forces southward. Something needed to happen, and on the 24th of November, General MacArthur had an answer for South Korea: “The Home by Christmas” Offensive.
Since early November of that year, 1950, senior officer Edward Almond had been ordered by MacArthur to mobilize the 1st Marine and 7th Infantry divisions to the Chosin Reservoir, and from there, advance to the mining town of Kanggye where they would repel the North Koreans further towards the doorstep of China. This plan, however, required a fifty-five-mile march through the ferocious climate of the Taebaek Mountains.
Exhausted and frostbitten U.S. Marines on the road South of Hagaru-ri, December 1950, waiting for a roadblock to be cleared during the Chosin Reservoir campaign (November to December 1950). More than 8,000 men suffered frostbite in the subzero conditions, but new treatments and rapid transport to care saved many of their limbs from amputation. (From the Oliver P. Smith Collection, U.S. Marine Corps Archives and Special Collections)
Major General O. P. Smith
The US and ROK soldiers experienced unprecedented levels of aggravating fatigue from both the extreme cold and the rugged terrain. Nonetheless, after establishing bases at the Chinhung-ni and Kot’o-ri villages along the road to the reservoir, they began their final march to Chosin on November 13. Most of the 7th Marines reached the town of Hagaru-ri on November 15, while the 5th Marines moved up the reservoir’s right bank. But at this time, General Smith called an operational pause to delay risky deployment and to add reinforcements to the 7th Marines on the east of the reservoir with the 31st Infantry Regiment, also known as Task Force MacLean. This also allowed for the defenses in Hagaru-ri to be fortified and the construction of an emergency airfield. In late November, the X Corps, composed of Task Force MacLean and the rest of the 7th, was advancing towards the Yalu River.
Meanwhile, on November 24th, the 8th Army went on the offensive along the western side of the reservoir. MacArthur hoped that the “Home by Christmas” offensive would not only end the war, but also make a statement. Communism would be eradicated in Asia – and if that meant conquering an entire nation, so be it.
November 24th. Hagaru-ri Camp. The biting winds of the northern climate pricked at Maggie’s skin like sharp needles. She stood at the edge of the towering command post, watching over the campsite that had been hastily set up in close proximity to the vast and utterly frozen Chosin Reservoir. Her breath formed clouds in the cold air. Despite the bitter cold, the sounds of war were still present. The rumble of trucks indicated the arrival of more troops, and the low murmurs surrounding the bootcamp added on to the settling uneasiness.
Maggie’s thoughts took her attention off the aching feeling on her skin. She reminisced back to the beginning of the war, back to her time in Tokyo. She had begged to stay in Korea, despite her colleagues’ strong disapproval. She remembered the threats that had been made towards her: “You’ll be fired if you go back to the front”. She relived the scene of photographer Carl Mydan’s ferociously contorted face, as he growled, “What’s more important, Maggie, covering this war– or fearing you’ll lose your job?” She still remembered the putrid smell of his hot breath. Maggie gagged. Even with all the second-guessing, she had still took the risk, and someone had seen her worth.
Photograph credit: Carl Mydan “MacArthur Returns” (1945).
Ms. Higgins had first bumped into MacArthur back in June, at Camp Walker – one of the first meetings of the war. Maggie’d stood outside the general’s tent with her notebook tucked tightly under her arm. She kept her eyes on the flap of the tent because she could feel senior officers’ stares on the back of her neck. Some seemed curious, some skeptical, and some irritated. But one in particular felt like a burning ray of animosity. Then the tent flap opened. A voice called from inside.
“Come in.”
She entered and was immediately hit by a thick cloud of smoke. The general stood behind a mahogany-colored desk covered in papers. He offered her a chair.
“You’re from the Tribune?” asked MacArthur roughly, glancing up from his map.
“Yes, sir. My name is Maggie. Maggie Higgins.”
“Well, Miss Higgins, I suppose the reason you’re here is to ask for permission to stay in Korea?”
“Yes, sir. I’ve come to request to report from the front.”
MacArthur looked up. His pale eyes sharply aligned with hers. Maggie blinked hard.
“General Walker seems to think you’re a distraction. He-”
“Sir, I came here to report the truth. I really couldn’t give half a damn about what Walker has to say. The world deserves to know what’s happening to our soldiers. If I’m sent back to Tokyo, the truth will be lost.”
MacArthur eyed her in silence. Then he spoke, “You’ll be in danger here, Ms. Higgins. If you do choose to stay, there’s a risk that you must take. War is a dangerous place for any woman, but especially a reporter of your caliber. There will be no safety nets. There will be nothing at all.”
“With all due respect, sir, my sex didn’t stop me when I was in Berlin, and it certainly didn’t stop me on the Han River, where I crossed on a raft after the explosion of the bridge. My experience is superior to that of any other reporter in Korea. I want this opportunity. Please, General.”
He gave the smallest of nods, then turned to his aide. “Send a message to the Tribune. Let them know the ban is lifted.”
Back in the village of Hagaru-ri, Maggie was settling in for the night. Three days had passed since her arrival at the town. Today was the 27th of November. She lay beneath a wool blanket, with her notepad tucked under her pillow. Despite her attempts to absorb as much body heat as she could by hugging herself tightly, the cold still seeped through the blanket. Outside, the boots of Marine guards crunched against the icy earth – it was a comforting sound.
It seemed as if Maggie had just closed her eyes when the tearing sound of artillery echoed throughout the valley. The ground beneath her bed trembled violently. Maggie jolted upright.
The small village of Hagaru-ri resided inside a barren plain on the eastern side of the Taebaek range, narrowly bordering the southern tip of the reservoir. The camp consisted of a scatter of hastily built tents and wooden shacks. On the perimeter, a wall of sandbags had been aligned, and stretching from the center of the village to the edge of the reservoir was the half-constructed airfield. The town was very lightly defended because Hagaru-ri was essentially a base for support units, and the core population was composed of engineers, medics, and supply personnel. In spite of its insignificant oversight by only two battalions, Hagaru-ri served a number of important purposes, of which included its role as a storage for military supplies and its being the headquarters of General Smith and the 1st Marines.
Inside the camp, the air was thick with smoke and frost. The men and women, exhausted from a long day of service, began turning in for the night. Maggie too, was settling in. She laid down beneath a wool blanket, with her notepad tucked under her pillow. Despite her attempts to absorb as much body heat as she could by hugging herself tightly, the cold still seeped through the blanket. Outside, the boots of Marine guards crunched against the icy earth – it was a comforting sound.
It seemed as if Maggie had just closed her eyes when the tearing sound of artillery echoed throughout the valley. The ground beneath her bed trembled violently. Maggie jolted upright.
The rattle of machine guns opened fire on the camp. A second blast outside of Maggie’s tent forced her to duck behind the bed. Outside, Marines shouted violent orders and began to return fire. The calming night had quickly turned into a bloodbath. Maggie threw on her coat and rushed out the back door. Soldiers rushed past her, cursing and shoving. She followed them, praying that a stray bullet wouldn’t connect with the back of her body. Diving behind a trailer, she turned on her flashlight. In the darkness, Maggie heard General Smith’s voice from behind her.
“Hold the east side! If we lose the airfield, we lose every man here!” he barked.
Another explosion rang throughout the village, and now the night was lit with flames. The Battle of Chosin Reservoir had begun. The Chinese, recognizing their superior numbers, reorganized themselves for a formidable push. Over the river, unknown to General Smith, a second unit of Communist troops prepared to surround the isolated UN garrison. On the eastern side of the reservoir, communication lines had been cut, and Task Force Faith had been ambushed by another predominant Chinese force. With the road south between the camps of Yudam-ni and Hagaru-ri no longer being an option, reinforcements would be put on hold. The only choice now would be to hold the line until another UN task force could be sent northward to open up the road.
“Fire the mortars!” General Smith commanded.
A blinding light ensued, and cannonballs crashed against the Chinese waves. Grenades were thrown over her head. Recognizing that her position was going to be revealed at any second, Maggie hoisted a sandbag over herself and ran for her life up the village. Snow began to fall, quenching some of the fires, but these were seconds later reignited by artillery. Suddenly, a hand grabbed Maggie by the arm. Anticipating a knife to the chest, Maggie closed her eyes.
“Wake up!” roared Colonel Ridge, pushing her into the hands of two nurses.
The aid station was in chaos. Wounded marines lay abutted on cots all around the room. Maggie was led towards a corner of the room and given a light blanket before the nurses hurried away. Outside, General Smith was still shouting orders. For the next forty-eight hours, Maggie barely slept– she went back and forth from the station to surrounding tents, juggling ammunition management with writing. Several days of battle ensued, and the lack of UN manpower became all too evident. Fighting began to slow and exhaustion was ubiquitous. Maggie watched an increasing number of battered soldiers stumble into the arms of nurses: many of whom had previously held positions as engineers and clerks, but suddenly took up arms. The Chinese Communist forces had taken control of almost all of East Hill outside Hagaru-ri. At this point, it was clear. A retreat had to commence.
Lieutenant “Chesty” Puller
General Smith, having come to this realization perhaps too late, called for Colonel Puller of the First Marine Regiment to assemble Task Force Drysdale to be sent north from Koto-ri (a neighboring village that was to the south of Hagaru-ri) in an effort to clear the way for withdrawal. On November 29th, Task Force Drysdale, composed of 300 infantrymen, finally came to their aid.
On December 5th, the first group from Hagaru-ri, which included Mags, began their 12-mile journey south to Koto-ri. The march out of Chosin was a nightmare. Along with freezing temperatures, Chinese squadrons pursued them ruthlessly, striking at night and engaging in constant skirmishes along the trail.
Ultimately, around 105,000 troops, 17,500 vehicles, 350,000 tons of supplies, and nearly 100,000 Korean civilians were carried to safety. Maggie recorded every moment.
By December 11th, Maggie reached the port of Hungnam with the remaining X Corps. An armada of American ships awaited them at the dock. However, they were not set to sail until nearly two weeks later. In that time, tens of thousands of Marines and refugees poured into Hungnam, desperate to escape before the Chinese closed in. Artillery thundered day and night as UN forces kept the enemy at bay long enough to load the ships. Maggie stood on the docks, taking notes of lines of children in rags, mothers carrying babies, and bloody warfare. She helped where she could: lifting luggage, calming frightened families, handing out water.
Ultimately, around 105,000 troops, 17,500 vehicles, 350,000 tons of supplies, and nearly 100,000 Korean civilians were carried to safety. Maggie recorded every moment.
On December 24th, the last explosives were set to destroy the port. Maggie boarded a transport ship packed with refugees and exhausted Marines. The engines rumbled beneath her feet, vibrating through the deck. The ship turned toward the open sea, and ahead, the waves carried her, and her story, south. Locating a seat on the bow, she raised her pen.